Actualité du Maroc et du Monde

Yabiladi

Annonces

Général

Actualité du Maroc et du Monde

Voyages & vacances

Culture, Histoire et régions du Maroc

Aide, astuces & bons plans

Formalités administratives & aide juridique

Sports

Halka : Blagues, poèmes, jeux, détente

Yabiladies

Mariage et administration

Organisation mariage # Maroc

Organisation mariage # International

Relations sentimentales

Problèmes de couple

Relations familiales et sociales

En attendant bébé...

Bébés, enfants, et éducation

Mode & beauté

Santé, psychologie & diététique

Ch'hiwates : Cuisine & gastronomie

Islam

Apprendre l'islam : prière, dou3a, hadith...

Islam & pensées religieuses

Ramadan 2024

Interprétation des rêves, roqya, djinn

MediaTIC

Informatique, téléphonie & multimédia

TV, Ciné, musique, people

International

Foro de Marruecos y de Marroquíes

Morocco # English board

منتدى المغرب و المغاربة حول العالم

Un article interessant sur le Maroc, parue dans le magazine " The Economist" de cette semaine.
Bonne lecture.

______________________
In his father's shadow

Apr 6th 2006 | CASABLANCA AND RABAT
From The Economist print edition
Morocco's faltering transition to democracy under King Mohammed VI


FOR visitors to Morocco's twin capitals—one political, the other economic—it is hard not to think that they represent the exception to the political decrepitude that seems to plague the Arab world. The bright mimosas and bougainvilleas of Rabat and the bustling business centre of Casablanca form a striking contrast with the dreary shabbiness and laissez-aller encountered elsewhere in the region. So does the political atmosphere: where else do truth and reconciliation commissions discuss torture cases on public television, or newspapers publish critiques of a head of state along with details of his private finances, or women live (at least on paper) under a more progressive family law?

“Morocco is advancing at a slow pace, but it will get there in time,” says one Western diplomat. “It's a model for reform—the best we have in a bad neighbourhood.”

For most Moroccans though, the point of reference is not Algeria's brutal military oligarchy or Tunisia's police state. It is not even “les années de plomb” (the years of lead) of the 1970s and 80s when political repression in Morocco was at its fiercest. Rather, it is the expectation of democratic transition first promised by the late king, Hassan II, in the early 1990s and reinforced by Mohammed VI's accession to the throne in 1999. But, despite some important milestones, Moroccans remain dissatisfied. For some, the country is democratising too fast, straight into the hands of Islamists eager to impose a reactionary moral order. For others, a cabal of former royal schoolmates in key public posts is simply exploiting Morocco's slowly liberalising economy for their own ends.

The harshest critics say that the reform process is a lure—a distraction from the fact that power is still concentrated in the hands of one man and abused by a coterie of technocratic yes-men. “They swindled us,” laments Abou Bakr Jamai, editor-in-chief of Morocco's most irreverent magazine, Le Journal Hebdomadaire: “Mohammed VI had enormous political capital when he began. But he squandered it.”

In February, Mr Jamai was sentenced to pay the largest fine ever imposed in a Moroccan libel case after he alleged that the government had paid a Brussels think-tank to produce a pro-Moroccan report on the Western Sahara conflict. Another French-language weekly, TelQuel, was likewise sued for libel—twice—and given disproportionate fines shortly after publishing articles critical of the monarchy, though the matters were officially unrelated. The Moroccan judiciary is notoriously subservient to the crown.

The most egregious example of this judicial revanchisme is the case against Nadia Yassine, daughter of the leader of a banned Islamist group, Adl Wal Ihsane (Justice and Charity). She is on trial for insulting the monarchy after making an off-the-cuff comment to a magazine asserting that Moroccans “would not die if we didn't have a king”. The media-savvy Ms Yassine is now using the trial to publicise her fierce criticism of the regime, denouncing its “superficial democratic reforms” and advocating her Sufi-inspired brand of Islam “as an antidote to violence”. She is demanding the abolition of Article 19 of the constitution enshrining the king's role as Commander of the Faithful.

Ahmed Benchemsi, TelQuel's editor-in-chief, is more sanguine about the considerable reforms achieved, seeing the occasional backlash as par for the course. But he remains worried. “The monarchy doesn't understand that it needs to democratise for its own sake,” he says: “The status quo is not sustainable.” Moroccans feel frustrated. The high hopes they had in the new “king of the poor” have not materialised. Despite progress, Morocco is still an absolute monarchy where dire poverty coexists alongside lavish wealth. An average growth rate of around 5% over the past five years has done little to create jobs or alleviate the plight of the poorest.

Almost daily, unemployed graduates protest in front of parliament to demand government jobs which, although low paid, are at least secure. In December, several students set themselves on fire, screaming “a civil-service job or death”. None actually died, but many were badly burned. A failing education system does little to prepare Moroccans for life in the private sector. A landmark education law, aimed at remedying the situation, was passed in 2000. But it has never been implemented. The opposition from teachers' unions and other entrenched interests was too strong. Politicians are generally seen as either unwilling or unable to carry out reforms without the king leading the way.

Even the current favourite to win next year's parliamentary elections, the Islamist Justice and Development Party (PJD), plays by the rules of ba'ya, the traditional pledge of allegiance to the monarchy. So far, the party has offered few new ideas to distinguish itself in the political field. Its most innovative contribution to the economic debate has been to suggest that Morocco specialise in tourism and retirement homes for European pensioners rather than seeking to attract young (and morally lax) travellers.

A similar lack of imagination marks the intractable dispute over the Western Sahara. Reformists have long argued that a large degree of autonomy for the region within a more decentralised and democratic Morocco would give the government a powerful argument against Sahrawi secessionists and their growing number of international supporters. Ahead of this month's UN deadline for the resumption of the stalled peace process, the king asked all political parties for their views on how to solve the conflict. Predictably, they reiterated the king's own vague ideas for limited regional autonomy. Even on such a crucial question, all eyes look to the king, either to assign blame or to provide an impetus for change.

By keeping most of the levers of power in his hands, King Mohammed has perpetuated the emasculation of the body politic established by his father. The king, and not the government, controls the ministries of defence, foreign affairs and the interior as well as countless commissions and authorities. He is the country's most important farmer, biggest banker and most active venture capitalist. Most of the innovative ideas over the past few years—the Equity and Reconciliation Commission's investigation into human-rights abuses under King Hassan, an ambitious human-development initiative designed to eradicate poverty, a report marking last month's 50th anniversary of Moroccan independence that offered an unprecedented independent critique of government policy —have been royal projects.

In countless public buildings, cafés and shops, gold-framed portraits of King Hassan still dwarf those of the present monarch. In the 1990s, Moroccans eagerly awaited Mohammed's accession, hoping he would usher in a real transition to democracy, as had Spain's King Juan Carlos, just across the straits of Gibraltar, two decades earlier. Morocco has no blueprint for its transition. The king is a notoriously bad communicator, granting few interviews and seeming ill at ease when delivering royal speeches. A Juan Carlos may have been a bit too much to expect, but Moroccans would at least like a clear a vision of future governance—if only to know where they stand.

source: www.economist.com/world/africa/displaystory.cfm?story_id=6772296



Modifié 1 fois. Dernière modification le 10/04/06 18:01 par alximo.

Citation
a écrit:
the king is a notoriously bad communicator, granting few interviews and seeming ill at ease when delivering royal speeches. A Juan Carlos may have been a bit too much to expect

aie aie aie , la phrase qui tue

existe t il des transition audacieuse vers la democraitie? si c est le cas j aimerais bien les connaitre pour voir comment faire pour rendre notre transition moins timide .

Mais il s agit d une transition democratique oui?
regards en Europe meme la transition espagnol a dure plus de 25 ans mais ca donne en fin du compte no t inquiete pas pour le pas le Maroca arrive

Le Maroc est la, Le maroc Arrive

Citation
Vador a écrit:

Citation
a écrit:
the king is a notoriously bad communicator, granting few interviews and seeming ill at ease when delivering royal speeches. A Juan Carlos may have been a bit too much to expect

aie aie aie , la phrase qui tue

the king is a notoriously bad communicator for simples minds as your's
The alone fantasms who are seeming ill and all the world is notoriously consient are youre leads when delivering speeches againts the ways and the maners of leading theires countrys a simple way of finding theire destiny represents a big threat for your leads that still leaving the che world. live us alone please
juan carlos knews the trouthg before and choose stability before paranoia it is time to sit and discuss no time for paranoia
paranoicos

Un peu de calme bladi-uahda et sans insultes,
Il faut lire tout l´article calmement, puis faire des commentaires sur le contenu.
Le plus important est de juger de la politique qui est mené par le Roi et le gouvernement et non pas s´il est un bon comunicateur ou non. Bien s´addresser au peuple et le motiver peut aider mais c´est surtout les programmes et les reformes qu íl faut mettre en oeuvre qui doivent être analysés.
Je crois qu´il y a des signes trés positifs de quoi être optimiste. Il faut aller plus vite dans les reformes. Ce n´est pas facile vu l´héritage................

Reform in Morocco

By H.D.S. Greenway | April 11, 2006
TANGIER, Morocco

Globe Editorials / Op-Ed

HALF A century ago I stepped ashore here on the continent of Africa for the first time. It was the year of Morocco's independence in the dawn of Europe's withdrawal from colonies all over Africa.
Morocco was among the fortunate ones. France and Spain left without a fight, and the country never disintegrated into chaos as so much of Africa did. Unlike so many states created by colonialists, Morocco was never a made-up country. Its borders have grown and contracted over the centuries, and dynasties have come and gone, but Morocco and its monarchy go back to the eighth century. Morocco claims to have been the first country to have recognized the independence of the United States, and colonization did not come until the early 20th century when the French and the Spanish divided Morocco between themselves.

By 1956, however, the French, having lost Indochina and trying to hold onto Algeria next door, decided to withdraw peacefully from Morocco. The Spanish followed suit, except for two tiny toeholds on the Strait of Gibraltar. King Mohammed V returned from enforced exile in Reunion, and the country was basking in its newfound freedom. French soldiers could be seen embarking onto ships here in the harbor, either on their way home or to Algeria where colonialism would linger to eventually die a violent death.

The city of Tangier itself had been an international zone, ruled over by a consortium of foreign powers, with a reputation for freewheeling bohemianism. American expatriates such as Paul Bowles, William Burroughs, Allen Ginsberg, and others came to Tangier to escape convention, but most, except for Bowles, drifted away, as did a plethora of foreign banks and businesses, when Tangier was incorporated into the Moroccan state.

The last 50 years have not been easy. Mohammed V's successor, Hassan II, frustrated coups, foreign invasions, and several assassination attempts, and ruled with an iron hand. But Hassan began to loosen up before he died in the '90s, and his son, Mohammed VI, who came to power in 1999, has taken reforms further. Compared with what has happened in sub-Saharan Africa, and in most of the Arab north, however, Morocco got off lightly.

The 42-year-old Mohammed VI established a truth commission to investigate the sins of the father, and its report in January was a dramatic revelation of torture, detentions, disappearances, and deaths under the previous regime. From all accounts the new king is determined to carry out reforms, even to tinker with family law to improve the position of women in society.

Morocco is not a democracy as we know it, but there are political parties, a Parliament, and elections, and more importantly the country seems firmly on a road to reform. But it will be a race against time. Morocco still has low literacy and high poverty rates. And while it was thought here that the passions and political poisons of the Middle East might not reach this far west to the ''farthest land of the setting sun," as it was known to Arabs in ancient times, the bombings in Casablanca in 2003 by home-grown Islamic militants ended the dream of Moroccan exceptionalism.

America and Europe have a great deal riding on Morocco's success, and both know it. Both are looking at ways to ease trade restrictions and bring Morocco more into a Western economic orbit. Morocco's brand of tolerant, moderate Islam, not at war with modernity, is the West's best hope. And since the king, as a descendant of the Prophet Mohammed, is ''both president and pope here," as one diplomat put it, the best chance for democratic reform will come from the throne.

Ideologues in the Bush administration held that democracy would come to the Middle East as it did in Eastern Europe -- all of a sudden if only obsolete kings, emirs, authoritarian rulers, and traditional societies could be removed in a great collapse similar to that of the Soviet Union. Iraq was to provide the shove for freedom.

But America's intervention in Iraq has only made matters insufferably worse, and its spectacular failure has given radical Islam a boost everywhere. If democracy, stability, and modernity are ever to take hold in this part of the world it will be through the slow and guided progress that Morocco is attempting, not through the radical and naive exhortations of the Bush administration that only make the task of reformers more difficult.
H.D.S. Greenway's column appears regularly in the Globe.

ehhhhhh bladi-uaha , the quote was not from me but from the article dude , even though i really think that M6 is a bad commnicator, and he should be doing some efforts because he reprensents our country, his father was a great communicator .... just like reagan

and one more thing : don't go with personnal attacks like 'you are a simple mind etc etc ....' , it really does not help the debate. and u don't wanna see me starting to insult ya

faltering ne veut pas dire timide mais hésitante. Ce n'est pas le même chose.

Entre un bon communicateur qui prend ses aises en allumant une cigarette devant une interview et qui fait passer sa vision au monde d'une maniere il est vrai charismatique et un autre dirigeant qui lit des discours mathematiques, carres, specifiques et surtout consistants, je prefere le deuxieme. Entre un H2 qu inaugure et qui laisse les gens faire et un M6 qui lance les travaux, les suit puis les inaugure, je prefere M6. Comme l'a dit H2 a propos de M6 durant une interview, les styles sont differents et le style fait l'homme... Ce qui m'interesse en tant que citoyen ce sont les resultats...